KOREA : THE AMERICAN EMPIRE STRIKES BACK
The Communist victory in China had raised the stakes in Korea. Having lost the China market, Japan now looked to Korea and Southeast Asia, where conditions were also volatile. In Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh's Communist-led forces were challenging French rule. A powerful insurgent movement was competing for power in the Philippines. British colonial interests were under attack in Malaya. Acheson explained, "It became apparent in Washington that the U.S. [had to] adopt a very firm stance in the Far East," especially since "the governments of many Western European nations appeared to be in a state of near-panic, as they watched to see whether the United States would act or not."
More than 100,000 Soviet-trained and-equipped North Korean troops overwhelmed U.S. and South Korean forces, pinning them down around Pusan. MacArthur had turned a blind eye toward CIA warnings and other evidence that the attack was coming.
Facing defeat, MacArthur requested and received permission to push past the 38th parallel and liberate the North. He staged a surprise amphibious landing of 17,000 men at Inchon in September. Truman lauded MacArthur's "brilliant maneuver" and described his Korean campaign as being rivaled by "few operations in military history." Truman bent over backward to placate the prickly MacArthur. Republicans seized on any hint that Truman might hesitate to send U.S. troops across the border as a sign of "appeasement."
MacArthur assured Truman that the Chinese would not enter the fight but agreed to use only Korean troops as he moved toward the Chinese border. Acheson had also dismissed the possibility of Chinese involvement as "sheer madness." MacArthur even spoke about the fighting ending by Thanksgiving and having the troops out by Christmas. He dismissed repeated warnings by Chinese Foreign Minister Zhou Enlai that the Chinese would enter the war if the United States persisted in its advance northward. The Chinese were also incensed over the U.S.-led campaign to deny them UN representation and the United States' decision to defend Formosa with the Seventh Fleet. Mao wanted to send troops, but the Chinese Politburo remained divided. Stalin sent encouragement. He assured Mao that the Soviets and the Chinese were stronger than the United States, Great Britain, and their European allies, especially now, before Germany and Japan had been rearmed. Stalin had earlier told Kim that launching the war was a way to get back at "the dishonest, perfidious, and arrogant behavior of the United States in Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, and especially its decision to form NATO.
MacArthur blithely disregarded his agreement to use only Korean troops and ordered the air force to bomb near the Chinese border. When the Joint Chiefs demanded that he not bomb within five miles of the border,he responded, "I cannot overemphasize the disastrous effect, both physical and psychological, that will result from the restrictions which you are imposing."
Chinese forces attacked UN forces in Unsan on October 25. On November 8, the Joint Chiefs cabled MacArthur to suggest his mission might need to be reconsidered. MacArthur replied that the pressure from British, French, and many Americans to stop at the 38th parallel found its "historic precedence in the action taken at Munich." "To give up any part of North Korea to the aggression of the Chinese Communists," he blustered, "would be the greatest defeat of the free world in recent times."
Truman and the Joint Chiefs acceded to MacArthur's demands. On November 24, MacArthur launched the major offensive that he believed would end the war. But suddenly hundreds of thousands of Chinese troops streamed across the Yalu River, sending U.S. and Allied troops into a frantic retreat. The setback was devastating. MacArthur solemnly announced that "we face an entirely new war." Acheson told Congress that the United States was on the brink of World War III. Truman agreed. "It looks like World War III is here," he wrote in his diary. General Omar Bradley called it :the greatest military disaster in the history of theUnited States." Time reported that it was the "worst defeat the U.S. had ever suffered."
China's UN Security Council spokesman heralded the resurgence of liberation movements throughout the region : Regardless of the savagery and cruelty of the American imperialist aggressors, the hard struggling people of Japan, the victoriously advancing people of Vietnam, the heroically resisting people of Korea, the people of the Philippines who have never laid down their arms, and all the oppressed nations and people of the East will certainly unite in close solidarity . . . They will fight dauntlessly on to win the final victory in their struggle for national independence." The British government favored ending the war as quickly as possible, believing, according to the Chicago Tribune, that it was "being conducted in near-hysteria and with prodigal waste." BUT U.S. LEADERS DECIDED TO FIRST LAY WASTE TO NORTH KOREA.
MUCH MORE TO COME.
More than 100,000 Soviet-trained and-equipped North Korean troops overwhelmed U.S. and South Korean forces, pinning them down around Pusan. MacArthur had turned a blind eye toward CIA warnings and other evidence that the attack was coming.
Facing defeat, MacArthur requested and received permission to push past the 38th parallel and liberate the North. He staged a surprise amphibious landing of 17,000 men at Inchon in September. Truman lauded MacArthur's "brilliant maneuver" and described his Korean campaign as being rivaled by "few operations in military history." Truman bent over backward to placate the prickly MacArthur. Republicans seized on any hint that Truman might hesitate to send U.S. troops across the border as a sign of "appeasement."
MacArthur assured Truman that the Chinese would not enter the fight but agreed to use only Korean troops as he moved toward the Chinese border. Acheson had also dismissed the possibility of Chinese involvement as "sheer madness." MacArthur even spoke about the fighting ending by Thanksgiving and having the troops out by Christmas. He dismissed repeated warnings by Chinese Foreign Minister Zhou Enlai that the Chinese would enter the war if the United States persisted in its advance northward. The Chinese were also incensed over the U.S.-led campaign to deny them UN representation and the United States' decision to defend Formosa with the Seventh Fleet. Mao wanted to send troops, but the Chinese Politburo remained divided. Stalin sent encouragement. He assured Mao that the Soviets and the Chinese were stronger than the United States, Great Britain, and their European allies, especially now, before Germany and Japan had been rearmed. Stalin had earlier told Kim that launching the war was a way to get back at "the dishonest, perfidious, and arrogant behavior of the United States in Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, and especially its decision to form NATO.
MacArthur blithely disregarded his agreement to use only Korean troops and ordered the air force to bomb near the Chinese border. When the Joint Chiefs demanded that he not bomb within five miles of the border,he responded, "I cannot overemphasize the disastrous effect, both physical and psychological, that will result from the restrictions which you are imposing."
Chinese forces attacked UN forces in Unsan on October 25. On November 8, the Joint Chiefs cabled MacArthur to suggest his mission might need to be reconsidered. MacArthur replied that the pressure from British, French, and many Americans to stop at the 38th parallel found its "historic precedence in the action taken at Munich." "To give up any part of North Korea to the aggression of the Chinese Communists," he blustered, "would be the greatest defeat of the free world in recent times."
Truman and the Joint Chiefs acceded to MacArthur's demands. On November 24, MacArthur launched the major offensive that he believed would end the war. But suddenly hundreds of thousands of Chinese troops streamed across the Yalu River, sending U.S. and Allied troops into a frantic retreat. The setback was devastating. MacArthur solemnly announced that "we face an entirely new war." Acheson told Congress that the United States was on the brink of World War III. Truman agreed. "It looks like World War III is here," he wrote in his diary. General Omar Bradley called it :the greatest military disaster in the history of theUnited States." Time reported that it was the "worst defeat the U.S. had ever suffered."
China's UN Security Council spokesman heralded the resurgence of liberation movements throughout the region : Regardless of the savagery and cruelty of the American imperialist aggressors, the hard struggling people of Japan, the victoriously advancing people of Vietnam, the heroically resisting people of Korea, the people of the Philippines who have never laid down their arms, and all the oppressed nations and people of the East will certainly unite in close solidarity . . . They will fight dauntlessly on to win the final victory in their struggle for national independence." The British government favored ending the war as quickly as possible, believing, according to the Chicago Tribune, that it was "being conducted in near-hysteria and with prodigal waste." BUT U.S. LEADERS DECIDED TO FIRST LAY WASTE TO NORTH KOREA.
MUCH MORE TO COME.
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